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    Sina Kawonise

    Super User

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    Former Minister of Education and foremost campaigner for the return of the Chibok girls, Mrs Oby Ezekwesili, has said that she lost respect for President Muhammadu Buhari when he failed to follow sound economic policies and led the nation into recession.
     
    In this interview, Ezekwesili also blasted former President Jonathan for failing to tell Nigerians how many times he begged her to be minister during his administration. 
     
    Ezekwesili further said the administration of Mr Buhari, has been woeful in terms of critical issues that mattered, most importantly, the dignity of human life.
     
    Ezekwesili also dismissed the hope of a merger with the Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola-led Coalition for Nigeria Movement (CNM) to take the country out of the woods, saying that the Red Card Movement she is championing, is served on whoever that had been part of Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC). AIDOGHIE PAULINUS conducted the interview.
     
    How did you come about the red card movement?
     
    It was as a result of my angst at the empathy deficit attitude of the government that reached to the top or to the zenith during the gruesome killing of the Benue people by Fulani herdsmen earlier in January. What has happened was that the night of the killings and all through that day, there had been in the social media, pictures of the victims. I was too petrified to really look closely, but by nighttime, I stilled myself and said I have to see this for what it is. And I was looking at it on my phone and at the same time, night news was on. And I was looking at these pictures of these poor women, men, children and beyond shock that this pattern of killing could be happening over and over again without any clear sense that government was in full control of the situation and that we could confidently say, never again!
     
    So, while I was looking at the pictures, then the news was reporting how Minister of Communication was telling journalists that they were starting the campaign for Buhari’s second term because of the great work he has done. And I was talking to myself, on the same day that this kind of heinous, hideous, shocking tragedy was being a source of distress for the families that had lost their people, someone this important in government, is talking about 2019 elections? I was so angered by this. So, the next morning, I did a tweet. That night, I was very clear in my mind that we needed to, as citizens, let our voices be heard. So, the next morning, I did a series of tweets, saying that I have just one political agenda: it is to make sure that neither APC nor PDP ever governs this country again. And that I was issuing them my red card and that even if my red card would be the only red card that is issued, God Himself will breathe on my red card and they would never govern this country again because these are migratory elements that go from one platform to another platform, showing no difference in their attitude to governance. And so, when I did my series of twits, other citizens came on board and said, we also want to issue red cards to these politicians. It is very clear that there is no difference between six and half dozen. And so, before you knew it, the momentum just picked up; there was an outpouring of interest on the part of citizens to become a movement and that is how we became a movement. It happened all on social media. It had nothing to do with any individual sort of sitting and calibrating. We didn’t have any of that. It was on the spur of the moment.
     
    How do you intend to achieve your mission?
     
    Oh, we are going to achieve it. We are working assiduously as citizens.
     
    Is it through a political party?
     
    No. We are a citizens’ movement. We are saying that it is now time for citizens to get out there and to determine the kinds of instincts and principles and decisions of our political class. For too long, we just ignored that political class and they carried on as they pleased. Not anymore! Citizens want to determine the kind of decisions that our political class make. Our political class has frequently looked down on citizens as though citizens don’t matter. Why is that so? They have hijacked the political landscape, they have mastered it, they have monetized it, they have corrupted it and they have disempowered the citizens in the process. And so, what you find is that there is general apathy towards politics and governance on the part of the middle class in our society who should actually by virtue of literacy, by virtue of their enlightenment, be able to determine better sets of standards in terms of our politics and our governance. They have looked away. So, what happens is, they just have captured the uneducated in our society and the uneducated do not realise the phenomenon power that they possess; that the power of the governor, the power of the senator, the power of the member of the House of Reps, the power of the president, is entirely dependent on the power of the citizen. So, we must now get into a conversation where the power of the citizen re-establishes itself as the basis of all other powers in our country. So, our movement is determined to unlock the base. We are determined to get citizens to the center of our politics.
     
    Former Governor Olagunsoye Oyinlola, told us recently in an interview gave us a green light that his group, Coalition for Nigeria Movement, is ready to work with your movement. Are you open to that?
     
    No. But merger doesn’t even arise. The reason is simple: We, as citizens, are going to hold all of them to a standard that they have never been used to. In the past, politicians determined. They would wake up and say, oh, you know, this magazine, you will be the candidate; magazine turns up as the candidate and then, citizens will be compelled to go and vote in magazine to be their leader. In what society do you leave the political space to this kind of level of rascality? We are tired of that rascality.
    So, what we are saying is, whatever name you call yourselves as political parties, there are two levels to what we are saying. Number one level is APC and PDP. Your own failure is so colossal, you have been the dominant party that ran down and degraded the values of this society, therefore, for you, it is red card. It is automatic red card. We are not even issuing yellow.
     
    Including the Oyinlola group?
     
    Look, as long as you have had anything to do with these dominant parties of APC and PDP as a politician, you are getting our red card. So, if you like, say to us that oh, you are now part of something, something; your history is going to show up.
     
    Are you just going to wish away a coalition started by former President Olusegun Obasanjo?
     
    We have a set of principles that basically would say that if you have been part of the political system that led to your emergence as the Honourable member of the House; some of them should actually be introducing themselves as dishonourable members of the House. Those people that emerged as senators, they said they are distinguished senators. Na true. You have been a governor and some of them have entered from one party to another party, all the same water. The same murky water that they have swam in. And when you look at it in totality, the result that this extant, this status quo political class has delivered, it is nothing. It is misery index that is very high.
     
    So, we are saying that that class, they have citizens to contend with. Part of it is, you give that red card to that class, so you break their hegemony over the political landscape of the country so that that landscape would lend itself to equality of opportunity for the new minds that are now saying, hey, look at us, we are ready to go into politics, but because of this class of politicians, we are never going to be able to make it. Look at some of the young professionals that are in their 30s and their 40s. It is about time that they started being the ones that will introduce new sets of values, values that can build and not values that destroy into our society. But they are not able to do that. So, we are going to give this red card to these ones and then, all the other political parties, their candidates are going to have to be put through a citizens’ screening. The citizens’ screening, we developed a leadership pre-qualification tool. Our leadership pre-qualification tool will measure every candidate on the basis of character, competence and capacity. Now, if we measure your candidate who wants to run for House of Reps from your state; what is your state Paulinus?
     
    Edo State 
     
    We are going to try to get you to make sure that you and those of your kit and kin that belong to that constituency, you are angry enough to say any party that is bringing a fellow who is a felon, who is a layabout, that hasn’t done anything sensible with his life, but all he has done is being a professional politician, somebody who is not capable of getting anything done, they are bringing that person and putting as their candidate to represent you in the House of Reps, the idea of the citizens’ movement is that you will come together, use that tool to assess those people. And even before election, you are already saying, Oga, Mr Chairman of whatever party or whatever, if this is the candidate you are saying is good for our constituency, you are not a good man, you are not a good person, you don’t want the best for us; this candidate will not be voted for, for us. Why are we doing this? We want to screen them upfront as citizens so that citizens don’t end up as we have always done with the worst of candidates and then, people will now go and say eh, let us take the lesser of the two evils. Why should you be voting between evils in the first place?
     
    You were one of those that supported Buhari prior to the 2015 elections…
     
    (Cuts in) You are going to have to defend your basis for saying that because you say it as gospel truth and yet, you are a journalist. I could take you out now and sue you and you would lose in court because you would have to tell me, so because I was advocating that Mr Jonathan, the predecessor Buhari, should do what the constitution requires of government, give justice of rescue to Chibok girls, you a journalist, are sad enough to now interpret that as you are one of those that supported? I voted for Buhari, I didn’t campaign for Buhari. I voted for him on the basis of my personal vote. I never, you can go and do every search you can imagine. I have nothing where I said to any individual to vote for Buhari. So, don’t go and conflict. Don’t conflict a demand for Chibok girls to be rescued as a public support for Buhari.
     
    At what point did you lose respect for this administration?
     
    This administration has been woeful in terms of critical issues that have mattered to me – the dignity of human life. I haven’t been very impressed in the way that they handle the Chibok girls issue; all the other security crises in the country where people died, they have repeated the laissez-faire attitude that the Jonathan administration had during his time to matters that were going on in the northeast. When people were dying in the northeast and all that that administration was concerned about was how to win its second term. Now, this administration is doing exactly the same thing. It is unbelievable! So, you have cases of tragedies and then, their reactions to the tragedies, similar. These politicians just don’t seem to be bothered.
     
    The second thing is, this is an administration that had no reason to have taken the country into the recession. All the factors towards recession were of course there. But if this administration had followed sound economic policies, no way we would have avoided being thrown into recession. So, it is an administration that took everything that is sound economic principles and just threw them away and followed a path that has actually created much more distress for the poor that this same administration had said would be the constituency that they really want to improve their quality of life.
     
    Then you look at the inability of the president to rise to the stature of a leader that builds the people into a family of people. I said it before to the president: a leader has no luxury of disliking some people amongst his citizens. No! You lost the luxury to the extent that you become a leader, nobody can be your enemy. Even the ones that hate you the most, they are your people. So, that whole inability of the president to be a glue for the country, I find it very disturbing. I find it very disturbing that the president is clannish. He is so clannish. It is unbelievable. That is not the hallmark of a leader. A leader cannot be clannish. A leader must be someone who is accommodating and a leader would be the one who douses tension amongst the people that you lead. You don’t stoke the fire and the embers of disagreement and disaffection. A leader cannot afford to be self-absorbed, thinking only of himself and what makes him happy. That is totally not acceptable in leadership.
    So, for me, there are a number of pointers whether it is economy, whether it is security; on security, the thing that I would give to the president is that reasonably, you could say that it is not as bad as it used to be in the northeast, but there are many aspects of the northeast that continue to worry me. What have we really done concerning the citizens that are in the Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps? How can their welfare not be a matter of priority for us? Do you know that that place could be a breeding ground for another set of angry children? We are losing two generations of people. We are losing the ones who are toddlers now and we probably already lost the ones that are youths in those camps. They would look on our society as if this society hasn’t cared for them. And you cannot afford to have a society that does not care. I love leaders who show that they care. Caring is an important factor in leadership. And so, I look at those matters as key issues that made me say that there is really no difference between six and half dozen. Acronyms do not differentiate the spirit of what one government or the other does. It is not a matter of acronym. The acronyms may differ – APC, PDP. But when you look at what is being exhibited, there is not much of a difference.
     
    There are insinuations in the public space that you built opposition against Buhari because he failed to offer you a ministerial position. Is that true?
     
    You should help me answer that question how a woman who left government at the age of 44, having been a minister twice over, should think that issues of being a minister would be so high a stake for me to put myself out in the way that I have put myself concerning Jonathan’s failure to give justice to Chibok girls, concerning Buhari’s failure to do the same thing. When it came to the matter of dignity of life, I felt that President Buhari, having promised that he was going to bring our Chibok girls back within a matter of six months, which was what he said in his inaugural speech when he said, ‘I would not consider myself to have defeated Boko Haram without the rescue of Chibok girls.’ And then, he gave the timeline for defeating Boko Haram as end of December, 2016. The question balanced out right?
     
    So, when we as a movement began to insist that you must bring these girls back, it shows that our advocacy for the girls was a continuum, it didn’t matter whether it was under your government they were taken or not.
     
    So, it is not personal?
     
    It wasn’t personal. So, not understanding that, but instead, the government became adversarial just like the Jonathan administration to the movement and then, they began to say all these exactly the same thing that the Jonathan administration and the allies were saying, oh, you know, she is angry at the president because she is not a minister. But Jonathan failed to tell them how many times I was asked to be a minister in his cabinet and I refused. So, the people who speak like that speak out of ignorance and they speak out of a complete absence of fundamental values that drive me. I am a woman driven by character and my courage of conviction. Look, having spent six and a half years in government, I have no need to prove any point. There is no point to prove! The work that I do, supporting countries on the continent at leadership level to run better economies, that gives me the greatest joy.
     
    At 44 for goodness sake, I had been the minister and then gone to the World Bank and been vice president. Can you imagine a situation where people even do not get analytical in their thought? What I was ten years ago, is something that I need to be and that is why I am doing the things I do. Does it make sense? I mean, think of it.
     
    Sun
    Kaduna State Independent Electoral Commission says it has deployed its e-voting machines in mock election across the 255 electoral wards in the state to familiarize voters with the electronic voting system.
     
    The commission plans to use e-voting during the forthcoming local councils election in the state.
     
    Mf Andrew Nkom, Commissioner in charge of Public Affairs and Information, told newsmen on Saturday in Kaduna, that the mock election, which would run for two weeks, started on Feb 20.
     
    “It is meant to test the speed of the e-voting equipment and also to sensitise the electorate ahead of the local government council polls slated for May 12”, he said.
     
    According to him, votes in the mock election would not be counted, but would serve as means to identify challenges that may likely occur during the poll.
     
    “It will also give us the kind of reaction from the voters, so that we will know how to address some of such challenges,” Nkom said.
     
    An official of the commission, who coordinated the exercise at Rigasa ward of Igabi Local Government Area on Saturday, said most voters were not familiar with the e-voting system.
     
    “We are trying as much as possible to enlighten the electorate on the objective of the mock exercise as most of them are ignorant of the cause.
     
    “It takes lots of guidance and counselling for some women to come out and participate in the exercise as most women were resistant to the e-voting machine because it is new to them,” the official who declined to give her name said.
     
    One of the residents, Mr Sabo Ibrahim, commended the development, saying it would help identify problems ahead of the proper election.
     
    Mrs Binta Yusha’u, who voted in the mock election, said the machine was “user friendly and fast with no hitches”.
     
    The agency procured over 6,000 electronic voting machines and recruited 25,000 ad-hoc staff for the conduct of local government election in the state on May 12.
     
    Prompt News

    Since the publication of Reuben Abati’s piece on the “Spiritual side of Aso Villa” on October 14, I have taken time to follow the reactions of key personalities to the article. Quite significantly, a former Minister of Aviation and presidential spokesman, Femi Fani-Kayode, a predecessor of Abati in the office of the Special Adviser to the President on Media and Publicity, Segun Adeniyi, and his successor, Femi Adesina, have taken different positions on the very crucial matter articulated by Abati.

     

    Besides these insiders in the Aso Villa matter, Abimbola Adelakun of The PUNCH, also wrote a rejoinder wherein she wondered if Abati needed help. Adelakun’s piece can be easily dealt with in that she committed the social scientific error of ranking a philosophical/theoretical paradigm above another. A confessed agnostic, Adelakun committed the error of declaring as irrational and superstitious the existential reality of the spiritual experience of the theistic Abati. Having confessed that “some of us have struggled to reconcile our agnosticism with curious phenomena for which we could not find immediate answers in scientifically tested knowledge”, Adelakun should have retained herself in the arena of her competence. There is a whole realm beyond the reach of science and empiricism as we know them today.

     

    The empiricist is no more rational or saner than the rationalist philosopher/theorist or vice versa. To suggest that Abati needed help just because he narrated an experience which Adelakun’s empiricist mind could not relate with is an offence to the basic tenets of social science precepts which anyone who underwent sound undergraduate training in any of the social sciences mustn’t commit.

     

    Before attending to the viewpoints of the Aso Villa gurus, I need to make some clarifications just like Adesina did in his rejoinder to Abati.

    I’m 54 years old. Like Abati, I taught in the university (I put in seven years). Like Adeniyi, Adesina and Abati, I have practised journalism for about 30 years, three out of which I was Managing Director/Editor-in-Chief of a national newspaper. For eight years, like the two Femis, Adeniyi and Abati, I worked for governments and closely with two governors, within which I served as a state commissioner. For 19 years till date, I’ve been involved in local and international businesses.  And like all the Villa writers, I’m a Christian. But unlike all the aforementioned, I contested to be governor of Ogun State in the 2015 election.

     

    Now, I stated the personal details above to underscore the viewpoint I’ll be advancing in this rejoinder that in my varied professional, political and economic endeavours, there is no where I have encountered grave evil forces and fetish practices and occurrences as in government and politics.

     

    Because Fani-Kayode wholly endorsed and even amplified Abati’s narrative, there’ll be no need for me to touch on his own article.

     

    While Abati raised the alarm that “Aso Villa is in urgent need of redemption” from forces of darkness that make many who worked therein to suffer strange ailments and commit inexplicable errors, Adeniyi and Adesina posited, while not denying that evil forces exist and may actually be in operation in the Villa, that their own experiences did not conform to Abati’s of spiritual attacks and strange ailments.

    Adesina’s and Adeniyi’s central thesis is that if evil forces operate in Aso Villa, so they do in all spheres of life and human endeavours. Very true. 

     

    According to the former, “Such as is common to man…” is whatever evil occurrence that may happen to anyone in the course of their sojourn in the Villa.

     

    Nothing in Abati’s testimony suggests that evil happens only to those in the Villa. He spoke about “degree” and  “quantity”. But Adesina must know the truism that “higher levels bring higher demons”. Like Adesina and Adeniyi, my “waist below” worked throughout my journey in government and politics. And I didn’t suffer any strange ailment. For me to be insulated from the spiritual vicissitudes of government and politics here in Nigeria, I prayed and fasted “beyond measure”. Close relations and brethren in the church prayed for me without ceasing. And as much as laid in my power and the abundant grace of God, I made efforts to live a righteous life.

    Besides Abati who is a close friend, I’ve heard many former functionaries of the Federal Government relate to me the pervasiveness of rituals and fetish practices. My experiences in my tour of duties in government and politics confirm them. And Adeniyi was right on point when he affirmed that “when people seek power in Nigeria, whether in the political or spiritual realms, not a few of them go for diabolical means.” This is truest for government and politics in Nigeria.

     

    It will be unnecessary to begin to reel out all that I heard, saw and witnessed especially in the two years I actively campaigned to be governor of Ogun State.

     

    And the reason why Government Houses across the country are so demonised is not far-fetched. The Nigerian state, like all other African states, as vividly described by the eminent political scientist, Prof. Mammoud Mamdani, is a “veritable Mount Kilimanjaro surrounded by a Lilliputian environment”. The state is the repository of the scarce resources that all crave for. Government leaders are those in the institutional positions to dispense the resources. To have access therefore becomes what the late Prof. Claude Ake described as “warfare” in which all arsenals – physical and spiritual – are deployed.

     

    At the physical realm, why is it that Aso Villa is the most fortified spatial enclave in the country? As it is in the physical realm, so should it be in the spirit realm because of the sheer quantum of evil arrows that get shot into the place. Because of the sheer power and enormous resources reposed in government houses, it can’t be correct that the evil forces that will be operating in them would be “as is common to man”.

     

    Yet, I do not subscribe to Abati’s tone of surrender to those evil forces. And he sounded a little funny saying that the current Aso Villa should be abandoned to overcome dark spiritual forces. A sound Christian, as Adesina correctly says, must have dominion over them and not yield an inch to them. Being acquainted with the Christian lives of Adesina and Adeniyi, I know for sure that they wouldn’t have been imperilled by those dark forces. But Adesina should tell us his activities in the realm of prayer and fasting that afford him to “sleep so soundly” and “even snore” in his apartment in the Villa. Ditto Adeniyi. I will be extremely surprised if the former is not praying and fasting more now than when he was Managing Director of The Sun newspaper and President of the Nigerian Guild of Editor. It is the same way that I’d be surprised if Adeniyi didn’t witness less spiritual tension after his exit from the Villa.

     

    Now, I’m not suggesting that those who had “strange ailments” were not right with God; neither do I say that being right with God makes one immune from those “things that are common to man”.

     

    Having an acute awareness of the presence and operations of dark spiritual forces, however, should never make us abandon rational and indispensable scientific means and actions that will make us overcome our development challenges. As Apostle James says, faith without works is dead. So also is anyone walking through this world without faith in the Almighty God dead even though he may be physically alive. It is for this realisation that the United States of America, in spite of its great scientific and technological advances still inscribes on its currency that “In God we trust”. The superpower has the last Thursday of every November as a national Thanksgiving Holiday. It is for the same reason that the former Head of State, Gen. Yakubu Gowon, organises prayers for this country.

     

    • Kawonise, a former Ogun State Commissioner for Information, is Publisher, NewsScroll.

     

    Punch, October 31, 2016

     
    Tuesday, 13 February 2018 13:03

    The pools staker’s world - Sina Kawonise

    He is a perpetual dreamer. Next Saturday, the day the results of football matches will be out is the D-day, the day when he will make it real big. Saturday of every week is the day the pools-better is sure will herald the El Dorado, the turning point in this chequered life in which money, big money, has been his dreams. To realize this dream, he stakes some money on the results of the English or Austrialian soccer league matches. He wins if his numbers feature among those of the teams that played draws in their encounters; otherwise he loses. In the case of the former he gets back manifold the staked amount; in case it is the latter the money goes to the pools betting promoter.
     
    In a situation where the greatest wealth is surrounded by the most extreme of poverty, where the dominant value is to get rich at all costs, and where the majority of the wealthy did everything except sweat for their wealth, pools-betting with its promise of easy-money is bound to have a powerful lure for the underprivileged. But this lure is for those who are ignorant of the obsessive nature of pools betting.
     
    For reasons of satisfying his many material needs and wants which his income could not afford him and the tales told of those who had “made it” through gambling, a man decides to take to pools-betting. A visit to the pools agent in this neighborhood and he is given some “sure-bankers” on which he stakes his money. The results arrive: a loss, the money gone! He takes another try and yet another – the same fate. Now he is losing faith in the whole venture, but he is urged on by “well-wishers” and the experienced in the game. They drum it into his ears that the road to high success is often thorny, especially in the beginning, that only those who endure will arrive. And so he tries again. This time, he “naps” some numbers, he “perms” some others.
     
    The results arrive: a win! Jubilation galore, a sigh of relief. Part of the amount won is spent on celebrating with drinks, pepper soup and what have you. A small part he spends on satisfying a few of his pressing needs and the remainder goes for the following week’s stakes. In fact, his greatest regret is that he did not stake big enough money the previous week. You know, the higher the stakes, the higher the returns. Now, he is going to make the final scoop, and once and for all on the promoters. And so, he stakes almost half of the amount won the previous week. Again, the results come: a narrow loss. "Na only one cut am!", he exclaims in exasperation. The following week he will try. This man is caught in a bind.
     
    He has no other interests than pools-betting. In advance, he books his own copies of soccer research; Capital, Sporting express, and other pools forecast weeklies and journals. If he cannot afford these, he spends the greater part of his day poring over them in offices of the pools agent. In short, when this man thinks, he thinks pools; all his talk is about pools. Pools, pools, pools, his whole Life!
     
    In this situation, the real job of the acute pools stake suffers, his family is neglected, and he loses interest in the goings on in his environment and the country at large. In his work-place, for instance, if he is called upon to support his union that is fighting for better conditions of service, he shrugs off the call. Why should he be interested in such a mundane thing when by the next Saturday he’ll be making some cool, big money?
     
    Although we sometimes hear of those who made big wins in pools-betting, for majority of stakers the prospect of getting rich through this means is illusory. The rule of the game is such that the promoters hardly lose. For instance, the amount paid by promoter to winners depends on the number of draws in the 58 ties. A draw of 20 and above attracts a quarter pay of the standard win,between 16 and 19 a half, while 15 and below attracts full payment. From this calculation, the probability of winning and getting the standard pay even if one wins is very low.
     
    Thus it is always the stakers as a collective that lose. And those who win variously from week to week do so at the expense of fellow stakers who lost. But what is the morality of wanting to gain from other people’s losses?
     
    In the last analysis, pools betting and other forms of gambling do no good to the individual and the country as a whole. Pools-betting divert the creative energy of those who indulge in it from productive ventures to a vocation that results in self-delusion and in the end, self-immolation. Something has to be done to end this obsessive drive for instant wealth.
     
    The Guardian, Thurday, January 12, 1989
    Tuesday, 13 February 2018 13:01

    In memory of Thomas Sankara - Sina Kawonise

    It was fiery news when it came. That captain Thomas Sankara of Burkina Faso had been killed in a palace coup d’etat was a news many African patriots, particularly the Burkinabe people, wished was the usual product of sensational news reporting by some frivolous news hunters. But that was a forlorn hope; the deed had been done. Sankara was no more – at least, physically. And it is a year today; a year since Burkina Faso lost a best of its best and brightest.
     
    Sankara, leading a group of young middle-level Burkinable Army Officers, started the tortuous process of breaking with the sordid past when, on August 4, 1983, he captured state power from the reactionary regime of Major Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo. From then on, the history of Burkina Faso, a landlocked country literally written-off as a wasteland, took on a radical course – the revolutionary path. Within the four years he was at the head of the then ruling National Revolutionary Council (NCR), he effectively mobilized the people for development via socialism. It was largely his personal examples, his demystification of the presidency and his transparent honesty that earned the regime the strong support of the people. As such, Sankara became the soul of the Burkinable revolution.
     
    Although we are mindful of the pitfalls of the cult of personality in the period of revolutionary reconstruction of a society, the reality of history is that in the early part of this reconstruction when there are usually no revolutionary structures for the people to identify with, a symbol is necessary to serve that function. Here, the charisma of the leader(s) of the movement comes in handy. Fidel Castro filled this role in the infancy of the Cuban revolution; Mengistu Haile-Mariam in the case of Ethiopia; and to some extent, Lenin before the consolidation of the Communit Party in the Soviet Union. 
     
    Sankara did not attention to the fact that personality cult is ephemeral. It is on this basis that building a potent structure as platform for revolution made sense. However, the permissible time of the structuration of a revolution in the person of its leader is limited. It was to this historical rule that Sankara did not pay enough attention.
     
    The imperative of the speedy creation of popular structures to replace the essentially cult and commandist nature of military juntas, particularly those that aspire to effect popular democracy, was clearly articulated some years ago by Edwin Madunagu in a two-art article titled: “The army as a political party”. To be sure, Sankara tried to effect this mandatory requirement by proposing the transformation of the CNR into a mass party, by taking concrete steps to arm the populace – especially the youth – and by raising the level of revolutionary consciousness in the people. But he rate of implementing those measures lagged behind the impulse of the revolutionary pressures in the country.
     
    And it was this tardiness on the part of Sankara, and the charge of authoritatianism, that Captain Blaise Compraore and his faction in the then CNR proffered as reasons for exterminating his life. While these charges might have been correct, to some extent, the Compraore faction committed a great revolutionary mistake, it not crime, by taking Sankara’s life as a solution to the problem. 
     
    The point Compraore and his henchmen missed was aptly drawn by Madunagu when he argued thus: “A popular leader, such as Sankara, can only be produced by and can only emerge in the course of the class struggle of the masses- not outside of it. He or she becomes popular and retains this popularity if, and so long as, he or she symbolizes the aspiration of the masses. Therefore to violently destroy this symbol - whatever the ‘justification’ – is to violently destroy the popular base of that particular revolution. (The Guardian, November 19, 1987)
    Reports of events happening in the country since the past one year largely confirm Madunagu’s position above. 
     
    While reports have not yet indicated a substantial departure from the path charted by Sankara and his remaining comrades, the new regime has been finding it difficult to maintain the tempo of development in the country. This, of course, is due to the apathy of a large chunk of Burkinababe who feel that their legitimate leader was unjustly cut down. Thus, instead of devoting its time and energy to solving the multitude of problems of underdevelopment in the country, the regime has been chasing real and imaginary enemies. The persistent witch hunting of the Sankara family is a case in point.
     
    Furthermore, the apparent commitment of the Compraore  regime to the laudable programmes started by Sankara presents a paradox. On the one hand, it shows that the supposed differences between Sankara and Compraore  were not fundamental nor were they of principles, but largely personal. 
     
    On the other hand, it can serve as a basis for forgiving the perpetrators of the unfortunate incident; for no honour is greater to the memory of a departed hero than continuing with the legacies he left behind.
     
    The Guardian, Nov. 1987
    Friday, 09 February 2018 11:42

    Revolution? It is certain! - Sina Kawonise

    Onwuchekwa Jemie's article titled “Revolution? Forget it!” (The Guardian, Sunday, February 15) makes interesting reading. In it, Jemie tries to highlight the illusion of expecting a revolution in Nigeria. There cannot be a revolution in this generation or in the next 50 years because, in Jemie’s words: “Not enough Nigerians are eating out of dustbins… Not enough Nigerians are dying from bad medicine, bad water, bad road or armed robbers…” what is more, as far as our rulers “Keep things pretty much as they are … there are not likely ever to be a revolution in Nigeria,” so concludes Jemie.
     
    This analysis no doubt sounds convincing, at least from a cursory look of it. Doesn't it?
    True, no revolution can take place when the objective material conditions to engender it are not ripe enough. In agreement with Jemie, the material and objective conditions of the majority of the people must be such that they “would just soon die fighting than continue to live as they are” for any revolution to take place. 
     
    However, this is not enough. 
    The people must also start to subjectively view their objective condition as caused by a few who have almost all conceivable material things only because they (the people) are denied those things.
    For Jemie to have denied the existence, in enough magnitude, of the pauperization and degradation of the people sadly reveals his marginalization from the condition that is the reality of majority of the people of this country. For how could he and other of his ilk know that a frightening number of Nigerians, young and old, now make their living from garbage gathered from rubbish heaps? 
     
    There is no open rubbish heaps in Ikoyi, Festac Town and other low-density suburb where they can see people scramble and trample on one another whenever there is a waste disposal vehicle approaching to discharge its cargo. Of course, the yellow fever epidemic which claimed hundreds of lives last year, and other such preventable diseases which continue to claim people’s life, are not enough to warrant a revolution; only hundreds of thousand would do. And Jemie is correct: these people did not die of bad medicine; they died of the lack of medicine. 
     
    Nor is the report that in some part of Nigeria some parents sells their children into slavery for as little as N80 enough to cause a revolution by Jemie’s reckoning. See Ogbuagu Anikwe’s article Child Labour for sale” (the Guardian, Feb. 8).
    Those parents cannot have been in want, only they are “callous”; callous indeed! And, you see, not enough Nigerians are dying or victims of armed robbery to warrant a revolutionary revolt. It would be enough only when the people in high places begin to be affected – and it’s beginning to affect them. But let’s make do with all these, for we can go on and on without exhausting the objective conditions of the people. What should concern us now is the reason why, despite this deplorable condition of the people, there has not yet been a revolt, not to talk of a revolution.
     
    As we have said above, these objective conditions of the people, though favourable to a revolution, will remain unchanged until people begin to perceive them as being the handiwork of man, which is amendable to change. In Nigeria, however, instead of the people seeing things in this light, as above, they fall prey to fatalism – a fatalism which is the consequence of mass illiteracy and the false consciousness of the majority of literate Nigerians. But the daily polarization (the “de-classing” of the lower-middle class) taking place as a result of our economic crisis will positively see to this. 
     
    Immediately the people acquire the necessary revolutionary class consciousness, there will be no stopping them, provided of course they have an “avant-grade” capable of effectively organizing them. What can cause a lull in the revolutionary processes is a welfare programme which is implied in Jemie’s article.
     
    Welfare programmes skillfully planned and implemented, no doubt exert a lulling effect on the people, for a while at least. But since welfarism aims only at satisfying a fraction of the basic necessities of the downtrodden, its shortcoming comes to the fore no sooner than it is instituted. Consequently, the people will demand more, and more, but the extent to which a bourgeois government can respond to this is always limited because of the logic of capitalism. To continue to grant the request of the masses means that the government will be dipping its hand in the funds which “appropriately” are meant for the appropriation of the bourgeoisie. This is a sin against the spirit and ethos of capitalism. And the bourgeoisie are not always the most anxious to violate the “natural” law of laissex faire. Because of the inadequacy of welfarism, the militancy of the oppressed will grow in the long run. Here is the dilemma of welfarism.
     
    Although, most of the Western advanced capitalist countries are effectively using welfarism to ward off the revolutionary upsurge of their proletariats, this is possible because they are funding it with the resources being taken from the under-developed nations through imperialism. As soon as these oppressed countries variously start to liberate themselves, the edifice of welfarism in the West will start to crumble. In other words, the socialist revolution of these underdeveloped countries will trigger off revolutions in the west.
     
    On the basis of the foregoing, and considering the daily pauperization of the people, one would see that a socialist revolution in Nigeria, as in every other country of the world, is only a matter of time. But definitely not as long as Jemie would have us believe.
     
    The Guardian, April 30, 1987
    Friday, 09 February 2018 11:41

    Selling your children - Sina Kawonise

    A few weeks ago in Oyo State, a couple, Mr. Kola Woniye, and Mrs. Seyi Woniye, offered to sell their two kids (a boy and a girl) to a British journalist who posed as a businessman. The price was N500,000 per child or N1 million for the two. The transaction was not about the usual fee for a lease of the children for child labour. It was an outright  sale.
     
    Caught in the act, the mother of the children, Mrs. Seyi Woniye, said: “It is hard for us to do this, but we are desperate and this is our last hope.” Mr. Woniye was a panel beater while his wife was an unemployed fulltime housewife. Now, how do you see this? Mrs. Woniye said they were desperate. Yes, a desperation induced by grinding poverty. But do all poor parents attempt to sell their children? There is no doubt that the corruption and irresponsibility of the Nigerian State dispose Nigerians to this sort of desperation. But that does not tell the whole story. Poverty and deprivation are neither necessary nor sufficient causes for the sort of evil and inhumanity displayed by the Woniyes.
     
    If we argue that poverty was the cause of this kind of action, will poverty also be indicated in the action of the rich who kill their own children or relatives for rituals to get more money and acquire power? The point here is this: evil, crime and criminality are consequences of a complex interplay of nature, nurture and social conditions. The Nigerian social condition that disposed the Woniyes to do what they did is bad. The Woniyes themselves who yielded to this sort of temptation are not innocent.
     
    The same social conditions that bring out the best in some Nigerians brought out the beast in the Woniyes. If the Woniyes could do what they did to their own children, imagine what they could do to the children of their neighbours.
     
    The tragedy of the Nigerian society is that too many have succumbed to evil in response to unfavourable socio-economic and political conditions. Unfortunately, however, it is the nature of power relations that the evil of the oppressed keep them down, while reinforcing the power of their oppressors to further trample upon them.
     
    Like the chicken and egg perplexity, I don’t know which came first: an evil people producing an evil leadership or vice-versa. Whichever the causal direction, what I know for sure is that Nigeria is trapped in a vicious cycle of a mutual reinforcement of the interaction of an immoral society and a wicked state.
     
    Saturday Tribune, 23 February, 2008
    The National Assembly Conference Committee on Electoral Act (amendment) Bill on Tuesday adopted the reordered sequence of the 2019 General Elections, making presidential election last.
     
    House of Representatives had few weeks ago, began process to amend the Electoral Act 2010 with the inclusion of section 25(1) in the law.
    This was to reorder the sequence of the elections, to commence with National Assembly, followed by governorship and State House of Assembly, and Presidential as last.
     
    This is against the sequence rolled out by Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) late 2017, which put Presidential and National Assembly elections first and governorship and state assembly to follow.
    Chairman of Senate Committee on INEC, Mr Suleiman Nazif, said that the bill did not in any way violate any provisions of Section 76 of the 1999 Constitution which empowered INEC to fix dates and conduct elections.
     
    He said the words “empowering INEC’’ to that effect were duplicated in the bill just as powers conferred on the National Assembly by section 4 (2) of the Constitution were exercised in relation to rescheduling of elections.
     
    Nazif said that inclusion of section 25(1) which changed the sequence of election different from the one earlier released by INEC had not violated any provisions of the laws governing the operations of the electoral body.
    In his contribution, Chairman, House of Representatives Committee on INEC, Mr Edward Pwajok, said that what the House concurred with the Senate as was very necessary in giving credibility to the electoral process.
     
    “The sequence of election provision in the bill is not targeted at anybody but aimed at giving credibility to the electoral process.
     
    “This is by giving electorate the opportunity to vote based on qualities of candidates vying for National Assembly seat,” he said.
     
    Pwajok added that if the bill is not given assent by the president, lawmakers, who based on national interest, adopted it, would invoke constitutional provisions at their disposal to make it see the light of the day.
     
    “Whether it would be assented to or not by the President, as far as we are concerned, remains in the realm of conjuncture for now but if such eventually happens, we will know how to cross the bridge,” he said.
     
    A member of the committee, Mr Dino Melaye (APC-Kogi), said that while date for election was the prerogative of INEC, extant laws gave schedules for such elections as sole responsibility of the National Assembly.
     
    “So contrary to reports and comments by some Nigerians on the reordered sequence of election, National Assembly has not overlapped its boundaries,” he said. 
     
    NAN
    Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has said it will transmit results of 2019 general elections electronically through Nigerian Communications Satellite Limited (NIGCOMSAT).    
     
    To this end, INEC has sought NIGCOMSAT’s help to use its Sat1-R satellite to electronically transmit the results immediately after counting at each polling unit across the country.
     
    Chairman of INEC, Mr Mahmood Yakubu, disclosed this during a working visit to NIGCOMSAT headquarters in Abuja yesterday. 
     
    INEC delegation, received by Managing Director of NIGCOMSAT, Ms. Abimbola Alale, and other management staff of the agency, toured the agency’s facilities for about 15 minutes. 
     
    Yakubu, who said he was impressed with what he saw in the country’s satellite communication agency, stated that INEC was committed to deepening the deployment of technology in elections.
     
    He added that through NIGCOMSAT’s satellite and connectivity provided by telecom operators, the results of elections of each of the 119,973 polling units nationwide would be electronically transmitted on the spot and in real time, including the scanned images of result sheets.
     
    Aside from this, INEC chairman also said the commission wanted NIGCOMSAT to help in voter education through electronic message display as the 2019 elections drew nearer. 
     
    “It is for this reason that we wish to leverage on the capacity of NIGCOMSAT to provide a wide range of telecommunication services. In particular, your broadband service offers a tremendous flexible bandwidth capacity that can be deployed almost anywhere and in a short period of time, including hard-to-reach and temporary locations,” he said. 
     
    In her remarks, Alale said NIGCOMSAT was ready to partner with INEC in transmitting election results to every nook and cranny of Nigeria.
     
    NIGCOMSAT’s Sat1-R, she said, was capable of covering and transmitting live and in real time all that transpired during the elections.
     
    Daily Trust
    Page 12 of 12
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